Earlier this week, the Mirror reported that the Labour Party took the decision to suspend Trevor Phillips (former head of the Commission for Racial Equality and chair of the Human Rights Commission or EHRC) over allegations of Islamophobia.
Phillips has been suspended over remarks about Pakistani Muslim men sexually abusing children in northern British towns and for saying that Muslims “see the world differently from the rest of us”. He’s also been reported for boasting about being nominated as “Islamophobe of the year” by a UN body, while chairing a controversial event at the Tory party conference last year entitled “Challenging Islamophobia” The event disintegrated into a farce when attendees shifted the entire debate toward how to deal with extremists and why they should avoid defining Islamophobia, just in case it ‘restricts free speech’ and so it can’t be ‘weaponised’ against them. The Mirror printed the full transcript of the event for the sake of transparency and it’s clear that, at times, attendees and even Trevor Phillips were actually blaming Muslims for the attacks on Mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand (which resulted in the killing of 51 Muslim worshippers) and Finsbury Park (resulting in the death of one gentleman and 10 others seriously injured). Rather than condemning the attacks, they were actually arguing that these attacks were a natural response to ‘the Muslim threat.’
Phillips was challenged by BBC Radio 4’s Today programme and accused of hypocrisy when he appeared to be happy to make generalisations about Muslims while, at the same time, condemning Labour’s supposed failure to properly tackle anti-Semitism, accusing Jeremy Corbyn of “embracing anti-Semites as comrades” and declaring that he could no longer vote Labour as a result. Phillips defiantly held to his opinions and argued that Muslims are part of a group with “a particular set of values”
The Guardian also reports that former Tory Party chair, Sayeeda Warsi said, of Trevor Phillips, that his “understanding of race, racism and the barriers to integration has sadly been flawed for many years… Phillips cannot treat Muslims as a homogenised group when it suits him, then later deny they are racialized” Naz Shah MP, the shadow minister for women and equalities and vice chair of the all-party parliamentary group on British Muslims, pointed out that “Some of the things he has said on public record would not be acceptable to any minority community,”
It seems Trevor Phillips is nothing if not a conundrum. How does a man who claims to be a champion for marginalised communities and who has held such prominent positions as Head of the Commission for Racial Equality and Chair of the Human Rights Commission, align himself with overtly Islamophobic and racist views against Muslims and even find it humorous to ridicule Muslims? Perhaps it helps to take a look at who he is and how he has come to form such opinions.
Phillip’s CV: As well as Head of the CRE and Chair of the EHRC, Phillips was also chairman of the Runnymede Trust (a race equality think tank) from 1993 to 1998 and, currently, Phillips is the Deputy Chairman of the board of the National Equality Standard (NES). NES sets clear Equality, Diversity and Inclusion (EDI) criteria by which companies are assessed.
Phillips is a close personal friend of Peter Mandelson and was best man at his first wedding. He signed up to the ‘New Labour’ agenda and became friendly with Tony Blair. Blair even backed Phillips’ candidacy for London Mayor in 1999 and even honoured him with an OBE.
In May 2000, after Ken Livingstone won the Mayoral contest, standing as an independent, the Labour Party put Phillips forward as a ‘top-up’ candidates for the London Assembly. Phillips then served as Chairman of the Assembly until February 2003. The primary role of the London Assembly is to scrutinise the activities of the Mayor of London. They have the power to amend the Mayor’s annual budget and even to reject the Mayor’s draft statutory strategies. Needless to say there were a number of clashes between Livingstone and Phillips during this time but, surprisingly, one of the key reasons for their disagreements was down to Phillips’ rejection of multiculturalism. Now, pay attention because Phillips feelings about multiculturalism colour much of his attitude and opinions about wider society.
In April 2004, Phillips called for the government to reject multiculturalism. He claimed it legitimised “separateness” and proposed that the government should “assert a core of Britishness” instead.
In Sept 2006, Livingstone accused Phillips of “pandering to the right” and said that he had “an absolutely disgraceful record” at the Commission for Racial Equality. He accused Phillips of turning the CRE into “a vast press department” and claimed that under Phillips stewardship, the CRE “wound down all the legal work.”
Six EHRC commissioners resigned citing concerns over Phillips’ leadership and probity during his tenure as Chair of the EHRC, leading to a breakdown of trust and confidence in the chair.
In July 2009, two former commissioners accused Phillips of “divisive leadership”. Kay Hampton said his leadership style was “better suited to a political organisation rather than a human rights one”. Sir Bert Massie asked “How do you manage to alienate that number of people?…it’s quite a skill. These are not people who are rebels for the sake of it.” Massie, a leading disability rights campaigner who had sat on government bodies and committees for 30 years, went on to explain how he and his fellow commissioners often learned of policy announcements through press releases.
Days later, Ben Summerskill (of the gay rights group Stonewall), also resigned as commissioner. Summerskill said that Phillips’ style of leadership had “unnerved” many commissioners. Summerskill seemed to imply that Phillips’ personal ambition or agenda was taking precedence over the important work that the commission should be doing in trying to help victims of prejudice.
Following a spate of resignations, the Joint Committee on Human Rights (JCHR) decided to investigate the EHRC. Fearing the JCHR report would paint him in a bad light, Phillips contacted three of the Peers involved in the investigation, allegedly in the hope of discussing the draft report. The JCHR then raised concerns that Phillips was attempting to influence the views of some of the committee members, prior to the publication of the report. However, the Lords Privileges Committee who subsequently investigated Phillips conduct concluded that Phillips was not in contempt of Parliament and that it was merely inappropriate and ill-advised of him to have contacted three members of the JCHR committee and ask for some of the evidence to be redacted and to express his unhappiness over the fact that the JCHR report was critical of his conduct.
In March 2015, Channel 4 aired an opinion piece produced by Phillips called ‘Things we wont say about race that are true’. It was packaged as a documentary peppered with a few broad stats, some anecdotal data and selected remarks made by a few prominent individuals. In this piece, Phillips tried to argue that racial profiling is justified but instead of inviting a broad debate or investigating causality, Phillips effectively produced a self-indulgent monologue expressing ‘his’ opinion. For example, in Phillips world, there are disproportionally more black people in prison because they have a higher propensity for a type of criminal behaviour. No consideration is given to racial profiling by the police or the fact that black kids frequently get tougher sentencing than their white counterparts. Phillips argues that because black kids are more likely to be killed and typically their killers are more likely to be black then this too has to be black criminal behaviour. He completely side steps the socio-economic factors that push kids from deprived neighbourhoods (who tend to be predominantly black kids) into criminal behaviour. Phillips openly argues that isolated or segregated Muslim communities were a hot bed for “an ugly perversion of Islam” that bred terrorism and that most communities, left to themselves, actually prefer segregation. Absolutely zero consideration is given to the lack of equal opportunity, lower paid jobs dictating what people can afford to buy, the fear that your family would be subject to racial abuse and physical attacks if you move to a white area or the fact that white people are more likely to be able to afford to move out to more affluent, usually white, areas. Again, Phillips tries to make the case that segregation stokes terrorist behaviour – not deprivation, not persecution, not racial abuse, not foreign policy etc. By making this argument, Phillips implies that segregated communities express deviant behaviour but then he shy’s away from including segregated white communities in this assessment. Instead, Phillips further bolsters his argument of deviant behaviour in segregated Muslim communities by talking about Asian grooming gangs as if grooming or deviant sexual behaviour was somehow predominantly perpetrated by Pakistani Muslim men. He fires off a few stats – Between 1997 and 2010, there were 17 court cases linked to street grooming gangs with over 200 victims. 56 men were convicted but only 3 were white and 40 were Pakistani heritage Muslims. Phillips concludes from this that there has to be a cultural factor to this behaviour (another disguised attack on multiculturalism). Again, Phillips conveniently side steps facts like how the vast majority of sexual grooming of young children is done online by white men. A Home Office report on Cyber Crime, published in October 2013, revealed that between 2004 and 2013, the number of sexual grooming offences recorded by police in England and Wales was 2,778.
It also quoted several studies on the characteristics of offenders. In one study of 633 UK males convicted of IIOC offences (Indecent Images of Children) it found that their average age was around 39 years, over 80% were either single or divorced and 93 per cent were convicted of making as well as consuming images. Another study covering 97 cases of offenders who committed IIOC and contact sex offences against 246 children between them found that most offenders were white unemployed males, aged between 19 and 45 years and that those who were employed predominantly worked in schools or care work and over a half lived with children. Another study hoping to compare traits of online against offline offenders also concluded that online offenders were “broadly younger than offline offenders; more likely to be White, and have greater victim empathy and sexual deviancy than offline offenders.” This report also points out that technology and encryption has advanced considerably in recent years so online offenders are more easily able to hide their activities, which implies the actual stats for online IIOC offences as well as online grooming and subsequent offline sexual offending is likely to be significantly higher. So, can Phillips identify the cultural factor that explains why the vast majority of online IIOC offenders and groomers are white and how does this fact support his argument for eradicating multiculturalism.
In April 2016, Phillips produces another documentary for Channel 4 called “What British Muslims really think”. The program opens with a Phillips painting a picture of large swathes of Muslim men as terrorist who leave the UK to go and fight abroad and who, he says, “may return to take up arms here”. He then goes on to make a shocking personal statement.. “I think there’s little doubt that it’s the extremist adherence of one particular faith – Islam – who have created a major fault line in this country”. Once again, using his typical style of program making where Phillips employs a subjective monologue, rather than a formal investigation or a broad debate, Phillips attempts to paint a picture of a community of people as ‘other’, ‘abnormal’ even ‘savage’ – a community, I hasten to add, Phillips knows next to nothing about. Phillips attempts to argue that extremist views within Muslim communities are the norm and not the exception. The program is largely Phillip’s interpretation of an ICM Survey on Muslims, commissioned for Channel 4. ICM undertook face to face interviews with 1,081 Muslims, over the age of 18, between 25 April and 31 May 2015 and compared it to ‘a nationally-representative control group’ of 1,008 adults, over the age of 18+ who they interviewed by telephone between the 5 and 7 June 2015. The full report is no longer available on the ICM website so it’s impossible to check what questions were asked or how they were phrased but there are references to it in the ‘review of survey research on Muslims in Britain’, which was carried out by Ipsos MORI in February 2018. Despite the sample size being just 1,081 people, Phillips starts his argument by claiming that the methodology employed by ICM was meant to produce data representative of half of all British Muslims. The reconstruction video used for dramatization purposes shows a young Muslim woman interviewing an angry looking Muslim man. There’s no real data about the demographic makeup of the independent team who carried out the door to door survey and, if the dramatization is realistic, there was no obvious supervision to ensure that the interviewers followed ICM instructions on who to interview, how to phrase the questions and whether or not to give guidance if someone is unclear about a question.
One of the questions posed in the survey was to ask if it was acceptable to use suicide bombing as a way to fight injustice. According to the results of the ICM survey, 4% of the Muslim group agreed it was acceptable, compared to 1% of the control group who supposedly represented the wider population. The ICM spokesperson then extrapolates that to the British Muslim community at large and claims that this represents just over 100,000 British Muslims. He neglects to mention that 1% of the wider population extrapolates to approx. 678,860 non-Muslims. It’s also unclear if there was any context to the question that might have directed a certain response. The fact that 1% of the wider population also agreed does suggest there might well have been some context. Cross referencing the Ipsos review we discover that the question posed was “To what extent do you sympathise with or condemn people who commit terrorist actions as a form of political protest” In fact the response showed only 1% of Muslims completely sympathised. Another 1% said they partially sympathised and 3% said they didn’t sympathise but didn’t condemn either.
So, in truth, only 2% showed any sympathy at all – not all that much different to the wider population then it seems? The Ipsos review also points out that another survey on non-Muslims, undertaken by YouGov, showed that a higher percentage of ordinary Brits believed Terrorism would be justified under occupation (54%), or if you were fighting an oppressive regime (52%), or if you were fighting for independence (42%). However, Phillips chooses to take the data exclusively from the ICM survey and then deliberately frames it in a way to imply that Muslims have a higher propensity for terrorist behaviour. According to Phillips, the ICM survey suggests that a significant number of Britain’s Muslims sympathise with Islamist terrorism, which is not what the data shows, especially when compared to the wider ICM sample. Phillips then goes on to express an unqualified personal opinion suggesting that there aren’t enough “liberal and reforming British Muslim voices” to counter, what ‘he’ perceives to be, the Muslim propensity for terrorist behaviour. Phillips effectively manufactures a problem with Islam, provokes fear of Muslims, implies Muslims are incapable (or perhaps unwilling) to deal with ‘the problem’ and sets up the argument for government or police intervention. The program also repeatedly dips back into the ongoing theme – the perils of multiculturalism – arguing that British Muslims do not wish to integrate. He acknowledges that they are happy to socialise with and work alongside non-Muslims but they rarely make the effort to visit a non-Muslim house, although the program does acknowledge that community segregation plays a big part in this as white and non-Muslims communities are equally unlikely to make the effort to integrate. Phillips then goes on to express another unqualified personal opinion. He completely deviates from script and shockingly claims that there’s a “clear cultural gap between a significant section of Britain’s Muslims and the wider population”. Firstly, as Phillips himself frequently likes to point out, Islam is a religion, not a racial and therefore not a cultural identity and Muslims are as diverse in their cultural heritage as Christians. You wouldn’t assume that the majority of white British Christians with historical roots in the UK would have much in common, culturally, with Christians in India or South America, for example. Again, Phillips’ objective appears to be to set Muslims aside as ‘other’ to every other religious, racial and cultural group in the UK. Then, if that wasn’t bad enough, he assigns traits. According to Phillips, Muslims do not value “equality of women, social tolerance, freedom of expression” and they do not “embrace same sex marriage”. He implies by this that other religions value women’s equality and freedom of expression and approve of social tolerance and same sex marriage – despite data showing quite the contrary. It’s worth pointing out also that the ICM Survey did not compare Muslim attitudes with those of members of other religious groups – it compared Muslim attitudes with those of the wider mixed population which would have included people of many religious backgrounds and of none. We can therefore only speculate as to how Muslim attitudes might have compared with Catholic or Jewish Groups, for example. Interestingly, at one point, Phillips touches on British Muslims attitude towards Jews. No data was provided on Jewish attitudes towards Muslims or societies attitude towards Muslims in general or any of the reasons why some Muslims might harbour negative attitudes towards Jews, Zionism and Israel. The Institute for Jewish Policy Research (JPR) recently undertook a wider study on Antisemitism in Great Britain, which also happened to reveal that Brits held more negative views about Muslims than they did about any other religious group and even more than Jews, Hindus and Christians combined.
No doubt Mr Phillips wouldn’t be in the least bit interested in doing a documentary about rampant Islamophobia in wider British society. JPR also revealed that 28% of the British population agreed with at least 1 Antisemitic statement.
It also found that 24% of Brits believed that Israel is committing mass murder in Palestine and 21% believe Israel is an apartheid state.
At some point, the program makes a conscious decision to deviate away from investigating “What British Muslims really think” and decides instead to investigate Islam’s treatment of women. It focus’s particular attention on an Islamic tenet that a wife should obey her husband and that polygamy is tolerated under certain circumstances. Phillip attempts to argue that subservience to husbands is a purely Muslim attitude and yet in Christianity there are clear instructions on how women should be subservient to their husbands….
Ephesians 5: “Wives, submit to your husbands as to the Lord. 23 For the husband is the head of the wife as Christ is the head of the church, his body, of which he is the Savior. 24 Now as the church submits to Christ, so also wives should submit to their husbands in everything.”
Colossians 3: “Wives, submit to your husbands, as is fitting in the Lord.
I Peter 3: “Wives, in the same way be submissive to your husbands so that, if any of them do not believe the word, they may be won over without words by the behavior of their wives, 2 when they see the purity and reverence of your lives. 3 Your beauty should not come from outward adornment, such as braided hair and the wearing of gold jewelry and fine clothes. 4 Instead, it should be that of your inner self, the unfading beauty of a gentle and quiet spirit, which is of great worth in God’s sight. 5 For this is the way the holy women of the past who put their hope in God used to make themselves beautiful. They were submissive to their own husbands, 6 like Sarah, who obeyed Abraham and called him her master.”
It might also have escaped Phillips’ mind that traditional Christian marriage vows for women include the words “Love, honour and obey” and I suspect Phillips also missed the bit in Colossians 3 that instructs slaves to obey their masters “with sincerity of heart and reverence for the Lord”.
The point is, most old religions and, I would argue, most monotheistic religions do not stand up well to close scrutiny. In fact, they share many of the same traditional values and do not sit well with contemporary attitudes. After all, Christianity, Judaism & Islam are, in effect, slight adaptations of the same biblical stories and they share many of the same commandments. Worth noting too that Polygamy is not forbidden in the Old Testament or in Judaism or the Lutheran Church and the Anglican Communion also tolerate it under certain circumstances. In Hinduism, the Rig Veda states that a man could have more than one wife and the Dharmashastras allow men to marry women of lower castes provided that the first wife was of equal caste. Common people (i.e. lower castes) were only allowed a second marriage if the first wife could not bear a son. In Judaism, the Torah states “If he take another wife for himself; her food, her clothing, and her duty of marriage, shall he not diminish” and that “a man must award the inheritance due to a first-born son to the son who was actually born first, even if he hates that son’s mother and likes another wife more”. Clearly, many popular religions tolerate Polygamy so why make the case that this is somehow exclusively an Islamic transgression?
It’s also interesting that Phillips fails to acknowledge that society’s attitudes towards polygamy might well be changing. For example, ‘Sister Wives’ is a rather successful American reality television series that follows the lives of a Mormon family called the Browns, comprising of father Kody Brown, his four wives (Meri, Janelle, Christine, and Robyn), and their 18 children. The program, which started in 2010, has tracked the family’s life through 14 seasons and 152 episodes and it’s still going strong today.
Phillips then brings in a statement by Elham Manea, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Zurich University, who has been researching the treatment of Muslim wives in Britain. Manea identifies the attitudes of some Muslim men towards their wives…
- Threatening their wives that they would leave them and get another woman if they don’t do what’s expected of them.
- Threatening to get another women if he can’t have children with the first wife
- Expecting the wife to fulfil his sexual needs even if she doesn’t want to – refusing to recognise rape within marriage.
Of course if we were to undertake a study of non-Muslim men in British society or, better still, ask non-Muslim British women, I do wonder how many of them might reveal that their husbands have threatened to beat them up or leave them if they don’t do what’s expected of them and how many of their husbands demand sex as a marital right? Anyone who has worked in domestic violence services would be able to give you a pretty good picture. Again, to imply that these are exclusively Muslim traits is simply outrageous.
Phillips then tries to argue that many British Muslims generally don’t want to change and refuse to adopt some of the behaviours of wider society. Again, it seems Phillips can’t help but redirect the debate towards multiculturalism being a bad thing and that integration can only be achieved through migrants losing their cultural and/or religious identity and being assimilated. He then attempts to present the opinions of a small number of Muslims who do hold extremist views about introducing Sharia Law into the UK as if it were mainstream opinion amongst British Muslims. In fact, Islam actually instructs Muslims to obey the law of the authority they live under. In other words, any adherence to Sharia instruction cannot conflict with the law of the land. Sharia courts are notoriously unfavourable towards that rights of women (as any court founded in religious doctrine might be) but that does not mean that they are allowed to enforce a ruling and they certainly do not have the power or the right to challenge British law.
Phillips then makes another wild claim. He asserts that the ICM survey for Channel 4 revealed that Muslim communities who ‘”hankered over a separate life” (i.e. those who live in segregated communities) were more sympathetic towards violence and extremism. He alleges that when asked what action they would take if they knew someone who was supporting terrorism in Syria, only 34% said they would report it to the police. Phillips then claims that this could be because the majority of Muslims might be sympathetic to the cause of would-be jihadists. The ICM representative does however explain that the question posed was framed in a way to ask if they had any “sympathy” for them, rather than specifically asking if they were ‘supportive’ of the actions. Phillips rephrases the question and manipulates the data in order to conjur up a frightening image of British Muslims. By contrast, the Ipsos MORI review of survey research on British Muslims reveals that 71% of Muslims said they have no sympathy with young Muslims who leave the UK to join fighters in Syria and they also point out that “sympathy” is an ambiguous term so it’s not clear how the respondents might have interpreted the question. It’s possible that they were expressing sympathy for “young Muslims” in general, rather than sympathy for their motives. The Ipsos review also found that 94% of Muslims say they “would report it to the police if they knew someone in the local community was planning an act of violence”
Shockingly, even though Phillips is forced to admit that the ICM report shows only a small minority of Muslims actually ‘sympathise’ with violent acts abroad, he still insists on trying to find links between minority extremist sympathies and wider community behaviour. The ICM researcher then responds to this question by attempting to argue that respondents who expressed feelings of “lack of social capital” or a desire not to integrate or an aspiration to follow (what he terms as) a more “fundamentalist Islamic lifestyle” or to follow “Sharia Law” are somehow proving there is a correlation between mainstream attitudes and more extreme views. Not only does he make a complete leap interpreting the information, he wrongly implies that the desire not to integrate, and the aspiration to follow a so-called “fundamentalist Islamic lifestyle” or to observe “Sharia Law” is mainstream thinking for British Muslims. Phillips allows this interpretation to stand unchallenged, and then adds that those Muslims who have expressed some sympathy for violence are twice as likely not to want to integrate into wider society. He then concludes that, in his opinion, Britain’s ‘Live and let live culture’ provides fertile ground for extremist thinking to flourish and creating “a nation within a nation”, proving once again, that Phillips is happy to draw wholly unfounded conclusions, stoke up fear of ‘the other’ and make the wildest accusations all in the name of eradicating multiculturalism.
Not content with pretending to be interested in “What British Muslims Really think”, using the entire program to attack Muslims and manufacturing a problem and instilling fear of Muslims, he then poses a new question.. “What are we going to do about it?” In other words, ‘how do we fix the Muslim problem?’ Now there’s a nasty whiff of Nazi ideology permeating through this argument. Where there once was a ‘Jewish problem’ that needed ‘a solution’ now there’s a ‘Muslim problem’ and Phillips asks the viewer ‘what should be done about it’? He calls on Britain’s to turn away from tolerance and reject our ‘Live and let Live’ ideals and he claims that this is somehow a ‘liberal’ viewpoint? Phillips then makes the case for creating a set of policies that promote integration and produce a number of clear red lines that his version of Utopia will not compromise on and that all Muslims must abide by and he demands that we support liberal trends in all parts of society (although it’s hard to imagine what Phillips means by Liberal trends when he’s already written off the fundamental liberal trend of Live and Let Live).
He proposes legislating to force schools to have targets for admitting children of different ethnic backgrounds in order to encourage greater integration. Of course schools tend to serve catchment areas and if a catchment area is predominantly white and Christian then meeting quotas of ethnic or other religious groupings is going to be almost impossible – unless you adjust the quota according to the local catchment area (which rather defeats the object). Phillips suggests however that it could be possible to redraw catchment areas but how does that impact on the lives of the children and families who have furthest to travel? He does, however, cite an example of a new school that was built specifically for the purpose of integrating two catchment areas – one predominantly white the other predominantly Asian which, the program notes had some success at encouraging integration between the groups. However, it’s wrong to assume that simply mixing in schools or at work or even when socialising is actually going to break ground and solve the problem of integration between communities. He also proposes looking at the ethnic mix in social housing and setting quotas to encourage mixing. It’s interesting why Phillips specifically mentions social housing because it demonstrates that he recognises that Muslim communities have largely been ghettoised and deprived. After all, you don’t have many Muslims families who are able to afford to live in wealthier neighbourhood. Perhaps, if Phillips is genuine about encouraging integration, he might have chosen to focus more of the program on how factors such as deprivation, inequality, lack of opportunity, racism and Islamophobia create segregation and alienate an entire community and how all these factors might also be contributing to the reason why some Muslims hold some of the opinions that they do?
In 2016 Civitas published “Race and Faith: the Deafening Silence” by Trevor Phillips in which he tries to argue that ethnic and cultural difference pose a danger to society and makes the case for “active integration” as opposed to “organic integration”. He starts by painting a vivid picture of an Islamist threat with “Islamist terrorism” apparently “firmly camped on European shores” and criticises European elites for not wanting to debate the “consequences” of “ethnocultural diversity”. Phillips seems to argue that the only way to mitigate the ‘dangers’ of ethnic diversity is to attack multiculturalism and force migrants to turn away from their cultural roots and instead be forcibly ‘integrated’ (i.e. assimilated) into ‘British culture’. Phillips deliberately chooses not to recognise that Islam and Judaism are religions and not cultural identities or, more importantly, that British culture is a mish-mash of other cultures – the food we eat (Indian, Chinese, Italian, American etc), the music we listen to (rock, pop, R&B, Jazz, Opera etc), the clothes we wear, the words we use… (colonialism has a lot to answer for) and I’m pretty sure the Scots, Welsh and Irish would argue they have their own unique cultural identities as well. Also, does he want everyone to convert to the ‘Church of England’ then? I suspect the Catholics and Protestants might have a thing or two to say about that and where exactly does he think monotheistic religions originated from exactly… the Cotswolds?
In this book, Phillips actually argues that multiculturalism is responsible for all the strife between communities and for sexist aggression – implying that ethnic minorities introduced sexism and aggression towards women into British society. Phillips imagines a world where white British women had equal opportunities and had never been beaten or deprived of opportunities or raped, a world before migrants landed on British shores. He further claims that if we choose not to address the pink elephant flying around his padded cell, then we’re suppressing ‘his’ freedom of expression (and those like him) and we’re risking reversing hard-won civil liberties, undermining democracy and destroying equality & solidarity.
Ironically, over the years, Phillips has repeatedly argued for his own freedom of expression and has called for society to conform to what he considers to be ‘liberal values’, while at the same time denying anyone else’s freedom of expression and discarding, bastardising and ridiculing the values of other community groups. Smells of fascism to me?